Disclaimer: This piece merely reflects my own understanding of this deity based on my research and experiences.

🚪 Introduction

This article explores the possibility that Beaduhild, a character connected with Wéland the smith, may have been a reflection or distant echo of a type of battle-goddess attested in Roman-era Celto-Germanic inscriptions.

The first half of the article will look at the sources we have for Beaduhild. First, we will move backwards in time through the written attestations of the character in order to see how her minor role in the late sources developed from a much more significant role earlier on; in this way, we can perhaps begin to rediscover her importance. In this examination, I begin with cursory summary, then follow with analysis and commentary on the primary source text, making reference to secondary scholarly analyses where relevant. Next, we will do the same with material artifacts and locations associated with the figure. The focus of the analysis will be on the prominence of Beaduhild in the earliest sources.

The second half of the article will shift to examining the evidence for Roman-era Celto-Germanic battle-goddesses, several of whom have potential linguistic or thematic connections with Beaduhild, as well as remnants of this ancient tradition surviving in medieval Irish and Old English sources. Finally, we see how this evidence may fit in with an existing scholarly hypothesis regarding the hybrid nature of the Beaduhild-Wéland tale.

📜 Beaduhild in Ink

Beaduhild is an oft-neglected figure in the study of Germanic myth, but her role in the story of Wéland appears to have been both widely-known and, at least in its early form, quite significant.^❦1 Robertson 2020, p 145-146 However, her roles in the various versions of the story are somewhat difficult to understand in their literary and cultural context. We will investigate her textual sources in reverse-chronological order to see how, as we look at earlier sources, the role of Beaduhild in the narrative increases.

🪶 A note on nomenclature

The key figures referenced in this article appear in several Germanic languages. I use the Old English names Beaduhild, Wéland, and Níðhád to refer to these characters when discussing their overall roles in the various sources. However, when discussing a specific source, I use the name of the character in that source:

• ♟️ in the Middle High German Heldenbuch, Wéland is called Wieland;
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• 💍 the Old Norse Velents þáttr smiðs calls these characters “the princess,” Velent, and Níðungr respectively;
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• 🔨 in Vǫlundarkviða, they are Bǫðvildr, Vǫlundr, and Níðuðr;
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• ⌛ in the Old English Déor, they are Beadohild, Wélund, and Níðhád.

This article chiefly concerns Beaduhild/Beadohild and her Old Norse cognate Bǫðvildr, whose names both point to a Proto-Germanic form *Badwahildiz, consisting of the words *badwō^❦2 cf. Orel 2003, p 32; Kroonen 2013, p 47 and *hildiz^❦3 cf. Orel 2003, p 168 , both of which translate to ‘battle, war.’

⚔️ Epic Beaduhild

The medieval epics concerning Wéland include a character who is clearly reflective of Beaduhild in earlier sources, though she is not named as such in these stories.

The 14th century Middle High German Heldenbuch mentions a wife of Wieland, the daughter of a king Hartwich, whom Wieland marries after being driven from his country. Lotte Motz (1986-1989) also points to the story of Friedrich von Schwaben, wherein the titular prince Friedrich marries a woman Angelburg, as a late echo of the story of Wéland and Beaduhild; Angelburg is cursed to be turned into a dove, but Friedrich releases her from this spell by taking her dove-raiment while she bathes in a well.^❦4 Motz 1986-1989, p 56 While neither of these German stories name a figure cognate with Beaduhild, Motz’s suggestion will be relevant to later sections of this article.

A much fuller narrative is provided by the segment of the 13th century Þiðreks saga af Bern called Velents þáttr smiðs (‘the episode of Velent the smith’). In the saga, Velent sails to Jótland, which is ruled by a king Níðungr.^❦5 cf. níðingr ‘villain, scoundrel’ ← níð ‘insolence, defamation, libel’ Níðungr offers his (unnamed) daughter and half the kingdom to anyone who can return his victory stone to him on the eve of a battle. Velent succeeds in the task, but kills the king’s dróttseti (≈ steward) when asked for it, so he is banished. Disguised as a cook, Velent sneaks back in and attempts to poison the king and his daughter, but the princess has a magic knife which detects the poison, which leads to him being imprisoned and forced to work in the forge.^❦6 cf. Robertson 2020, p 156

During his imprisonment, Velent takes violent revenge on king Níðungr by secretly killing two of his three sons and making tableware with their bones. Later, the princess sends her maidservant to ask Velent to fix her broken gold ring, but Velent asks for the princess to come herself. She comes to the smithy, but he says at fyrr vill hann annat smíða ‘that he first wants to forge something else,’ at which point he closes the door and leggst hjá konungsdóttur ‘lies with the king’s daughter’ — it is unclear in the saga whether the princess consents to this. He then fixes her ring, making it better than before. They both hide what happened in his forge for a time.^❦7 ch. 74 “Velent bætti hringinn konungsdóttur”

Velent’s brother Egill comes to Níðungr’s court, and Velent asks him to bring feathers to use in the creation of a fjaðrhamr ‘feather-covering’ for his escape. Before Velent escapes, he has another meeting with the princess, wherein they both declare their love for each other, and Velent says that she will bear a son. Velent flies with his wings to reveal to Níðungr that the killed his sons and impregnated his daughter. Egill is ordered to shoot Velent, but Velent wears a fake blood-filled bladder for Egill to hit in order to deceive the king, allowing Velent to escape. King Níðungr eventually dies, leaving the throne to his remaining son Otvin. During Otvin’s reign, the princess gives birth to a son, Viðga (a famous hero of Germanic legend), Velent reconciles with Otvin, and Velent and the princess are married.

Both Friedrich von Schwaben and Velents þáttr smiðs involve a princess, magic, and an avian motif (the dove-princess in the former, and Velent’s feather-covering in the latter). The latter tale also emphasizes the revenge of Velent for his capture by the “villain” king Níðungr. However, both tales resolve the conflict handily^❦8 Meyer 2021, p 57: “At this point, one can observe the saga’s tendency to dissolve conflicts into complacence, which might have rather agreed with its 13th century audience.” , and present what seems to be a mutually loving relationship between Wéland and the princess.

🎶 Poetic Beaduhild

The poem Vǫlundarkviða (‘the ballad of Vǫlundr’) in the Poetic Edda also relates a story of Wéland in captivity, but the narrative is quite different from the one found in Þiðreks saga af Bern in key ways. We begin with Vǫlundr, who here is a Finnish or Sámi prince along with two brothers: Slagfiðr and Egill. The three brothers build a house in Ulfdalir by lake Ulfvatn, where they discover three valkyrjur in the form of swans who flugu sunnan myrkvið í gøgnum / alvitr ungar ørlǫg drýgja ‘flew from the south across Mirkwood, young outsiders^❦9 alvitr ‘outsider, alien’ is used also of a valkyrie in Helgakviða Hundingsbana II; cf. Pettit 2023, p 362 n 17 to carry out their fate’ (1).

The valkyries are named Hlaðguðr Svanhvít, Hervǫr^‡not to be confused with the either of the character’s named ‘Hervǫr’ in Hervarar saga ok Heiðreks Alvitr, and Ǫlrún, and they are married to Slagfiðr, Vǫlundr, and Egill respectively. However, seven years later, the valkyries fly away, leading Slagfiðr and Egill to go off and seek them while Vǫlundr stays behind to make jewelry for his missing wife. During this time, Níðuðr,^❦10 ← *Nīþahaiduz ‘hateful character’ Njára dróttinn ‘king of the Njárar,’^❦11 It is unclear who the Njárar were, though it is clear from the prose surrounding the verses that they were a group living in Sweden sends men to capture Vǫlundr and take one of his many rings.

In captivity, Vǫlundr is hamstrung and forced to forge jewels for Níðuðr, and he swears revenge. Níðuðr gives the stolen ring to his daughter, Bǫðvildr. The two young sons of Níðuðr come to visit Vǫlundr, who murders them secretly and gives Níðuðr silver-encased bowls made from their skulls.

Vǫlundr further seeks vengeance by sexually assaulting Bǫðvildr.

Like in Velents þáttr smiðs, Vǫlundr flies to Níðuðr to tell him of his revenge and that Bǫðvildr is now pregnant, then flies away. Níðuðr sends for Bǫðvildr, who confirms that Vǫlundr has raped her.

This poem contains many elements of the story in Þiðreks saga af Bern including Vǫlundr’s captivity and forced servitude, the mending of a ring, and Vǫlundr’s winged escape. Some elements are missing, such as Egill’s involvement in Vǫlundr’s escape (or any explanation for how Vǫlundr manages to fly away), and the birth of the famous hero Viðga. Most notable, though, are the elements present here which are not in the saga version.

The most shocking difference is the shift in dynamic between Vǫlundr and the princess in this story when contrasted with the seemingly mutual romance of the saga: Vǫlundr is a rapist in this narrative.

In any case, it is certain that Bǫðvildr’s “misery is due in large part to her treatment at [Vǫlundr]’s hands,”^❦17 Robertson 2020, p 170 which plainly positions Vǫlundr as the perpetrator of a horrific deed in this version of the story.

Another major difference we are confronted with is the episode of the swan-valkyries. It is interesting that these figures appear at the beginning of a story which ends with Vǫlundr flying away from his captivity. Another point of interest is the concept of an avian bride, which is a major element in the Friedrich von Schwaben narrative.

A further point of contrast is the plot surrounding the ring. In the saga version, the ring already belongs to the princess, but the ring has much more significance as a precious and stolen item in Vǫlundarkviða, which contributes further to the cruelty of Níðuðr and the complicity of Bǫðvildr in his capture.^❦18 Robertson 2020, p 153 That the ring was intended for Vǫlundr’s valkyrie wife but lands in the possession of Bǫðvildr may serve as a dark foreshadowing of Vǫlundr’s later actions, or even a symbolic transfer of marriage if we are to compare it with the story in Þiðreks saga that culminates in their wedding.^❦18 Robertson 2020, p 153

Anne Burson (1983) also notes these parallels between the swan-wife and Bǫðvildr, even suggesting an “implied equation” between them:

Lotte Motz (1986-1989) argues that “she represents the recovered wife of the full tale of the swan woman” who becomes a princess, and that she “bears a name which would clearly suit a valkyrie,”^❦20 Motz 1986-1989, p 63 noting also that “the swan is often an ancestral animal among Siberian nations.”^❦21 Motz 1986-1989, p 53 Even Vǫlundr is given avian attributes in this poem, such as his ability to fly — in contrast with his constructed wings in Velents þáttr smiðs — and his fitjar ‘webbed feet.’

With regards to Bǫðvildr, the eddic poem seems most focused on her role in Vǫlundr’s capture and her role as a victim/survivor. While Velents þáttr smiðs presents her as an unnamed lover and the mother of Velent’s famous child^❦22 Robertson 2020, p 166 , the Vǫlundarkviða poet gives her more focus — the epic narrative of Þiðreks saga omits her suffering almost entirely, allowing her a happier ending at the expense of her prominent role in the poetic version of the story.^❦8 Meyer 2021, p 57: “At this point, one can observe the saga’s tendency to dissolve conflicts into complacence, which might have rather agreed with its 13th century audience.” There is more at stake for the audience with regards to Bǫðvildr’s circumstances in Vǫlundarkviða, as they are where the poet (or at least the codex scribe) chooses to end the the song.

The other early Germanic poem in which Beaduhild has an important role is the 10th century Old English elegiac poem Déor, which provides anecdotes of legendary misfortunes paralleling the poet’s own exile. Each stanza contains a different narrative, tied together with the refrain þæs oferéode þisses swá mæg ‘that has come to pass, so can this.’ While most of these anecdotes are disconnected from each other, the first two stanzas concern Wélund and Beadohild, respectively.^❦23 Frederick Tupper, Jr. (1913) argues that the third strophe (about Mæðhild and Geat) strophe is actually still about Beadohild and Níðhád, but this interpretation is not generally supported Jerome Mandel (1982) highlights how this strategy is used to establish the relatedness of the disparate narratives that follow, while also “treating them as separate, discrete exempla.”^❦24 Mandel 1982, p 129 Given their connection, it is worthwile to look at the first two stanzas of the poem:

The first stanza focuses on Wélund’s misery in the captivity of Níðhád^❦10 ← *Nīþahaiduz ‘hateful character’ and, perhaps, establishes Níðhád as the chief villain of the story shared by the first two stanzas.^❦16 Robertson 2020, p 160-161

The second stanza focusing on Beadohild is quite vague on what specifically has happened or how she became pregnant, but the proximity to the Wélund stanza and the mention of her brothers’ deaths are enough for us to connect this stanza to the narrative we find in the Scandinavian sources.^❦25 Robertson 2020, p 159; cf. Kópar 2012, p 6 The distress she feels about her pregnancy further suggest something like the version we find in Vǫlundarkviða, rather than the happier birth found in Velents þáttr smiðs.^❦26 Robertson 2020, p 159; cf. Mandel 1977, p 3; Hill 1990, p 241; Saunders 2001, p 46; Another potential link with Vǫlundarkviða is the direct cognate names in the poems — OE Níðhád :: ON Níðuðr ‘hateful character’ — contrasted with the (related, but not directly cognate) Níðungr ‘villain, scoundrel’ in the saga Many scholars have commented on the “unusual richness of her emotions” presented here^❦27 Robertson 2020, p 145; cf. Saunders 2001, p 46; Bueno Alonso 2003, p 164 , and how her physical condition (pregnancy) is “connected with her spiritual suffering.”^❦28 Bueno Alonso 2003, p 164; cf. Mandel 1977, p 3

There are two key differences between the presentation of Beadohild in this poem and her role in Vǫlundarkviða. Both poems give more attention to her situation and emotional response to them than is present in the saga material, but where Vǫlundarkviða closes with Bǫðvildr’s distress, the refrain apparatus of Déor shifts the focus at the end of the stanza toward Beadohild’s eventual overcoming of these circumstances. Isobel Robertson (2020) remarks on this:

Despite this poetic reassurance from the Déor poet, the story of Beadohild herself is left unresolved narratively — we may have hope that her suffering will be surmounted, but we are given no hints as to how.

The other difference is the position of importance which this poet gives to Beadohild. While her role is much more prominent in Vǫlundarkviða than it is in the saga and the Middle High German sources, these stories are all share a primary concern with Wéland as their titular character. In Déor, on the other hand, Wélund is still present, but the fact that his tale comes first seems more to be a question of chronology within the story rather than importance — each character’s story is given equal weight to that of the other anecdotes in the poem. In other words, whereas Bǫðvildr is a supporting character in ‘the ballad of Vǫlundr,’ Beadohild gets to be a primary character alongside Wélund in Déor.

Both poems present a darker tale concerning Beaduhild than we find in the epic material. Beaduhild, daughter of the ‘hateful character’ Níðhád who torments Wéland, experiences great suffering herself at the hands of the latter. The poems chiefly emphasize her distress, but Déor also presents her story as “an example of sorrow which was eventually transcended.”^❦30 McKinnel 2002, p 202 The poetic sources introduce some unresolved elements into the story, such as the avian references and the question of the ring. They also give Beaduhild a greater deal of importance. In order to gain a greater understanding, however, we will now look away from the written sources to the landscape itself in order to see what information we can glean about Beaduhild’s significance.

🪨 Beaduhild in Stone

As with the textual evidence above, we will encounter the evidence in this section in reverse-chronological order (as far as we can surmise) in order to gain an understanding of Beaduhild’s early significance in Germanic cultures.

⛪ The Leeds cross shaft

Our examination begins in early 11th or late 10th century Yorkshire, where we find blended influences of Old English and Old Norse culture. In 1838, a stone cross sculpture dating to this period was discovered in Leeds Minster church.^❦31 For more on the Leeds cross shaft, see Halstead 2016 On one side of this cross, we find a depiction of a winged Wéland holding Beaduhild in a way that implies something like the scene depicted in Vǫlundarkviða.^❦32 Robertson 2020, p 165

This artifact suggests that a version of that tale was present in the Anglo-Norse society living in Yorkshire at the time, and that Beaduhild’s presence in the narrative is a key part of the story worthy of depicting visually. It is unclear why the artist(s) chose the violent scene we find in Vǫlundarkviða as the subject of the piece — it seems that this part of the poetic tradition was significant in the Anglo-Norse context. The inclusion of the bird-motif, on the other hand, is one that we find consistently in other visual depictions.

⛏️ Ardre image stone VIII

The next piece we will look at is Ardre image stone VIII, a 9th or 8th century stone carving from Gotland, Sweden, that depicts scenes included in Vǫlundarkviða.^❦33 Sørensen 2002, p 123; for more on the stone, see Buisson 1976 The image stone includes a depiction of the beheaded sons of Níðuðr in Vǫlundr’s forge and a bird figure flying into a female figure, most likely Bǫðvildr (or a swan-maiden).^❦34 Robertson 2020, p 164

If it is Bǫðvildr in this image, then we can once again see how crucial her inclusion is to the visual representation of this story in the mythic vision of early Germanic artists.

🌳 The Berkshire downs

Returning to England, we find the Berkshire downs.^❦35 cf. Birch 1885 Archeologists and folklorists have long noted the presence of a Neolithic chamber tomb there (near Ashbury) which today is called “Wayland’s Smithy,” a name used at least as early as 955 AD (Wélandes smiððe). However, less well known is the 856 AD Woolstone charter record of a barrow about two miles from Wayland’s Smithy — the manuscript calls it Beahhildæ byrigels ‘Beahhild’s barrow.’^❦36 Grinsell 1939; Motz 1986-1989, p 66 n 6; Grinsell 1991, p 235-236; Mackley 2011, p 31 Less than five miles away, a Liddington charter (K.386) names Bechilde tréu ‘Beahhild’s tree,’ and another (Wanborough charter B.479) names Behhilde slóh ‘Beahhild’s marsh.’^❦37 Grundy 1919, p 177; cf. Motz 1986-1989, p 66 n 6

When we take these records at face value, they seem to point to a name comprised of béah (a common variant of béag ‘ring’) and hild ‘battle.’ It is possible that Béahhild was a woman’s personal name, though this name is otherwise unattested and unparalleled in other Germanic languages; on the other hand, the plurality of locations named for her suggests that she was important. For this reason, many have chosen to instead read manuscript ⟨Beahhild⟩ as a scribal error for *Beadhild (i.e. a variant of Beaduhild).^❦38 Motz 1986-1989, p 66 n 6; cf. Grinsell 1939

There is some disagreement on this identification, as well as a proposed identification of the nearby Hwittuces hlǽw ‘Hwittuc’s barrow’ with Widia (who is called Wittich or Witege in early German sources)^❦39 Mackley 2011, p 31; cf. Birch 1885 , particularly on problematic etymological grounds.^❦40 Gelling 1974, p 374 However, if this ⟨*Beadhild⟩ emendation is to be taken up, these Berkshire sites would serve as further evidence of Beaduhild’s importance as a figure in early English culture.^❦41 If the emendation is incorrect and the name really ought to be read as Beahhild, it is still conspicuous that these places bear the name ‘ring-battle’ given the centrality of the ring in the written sources George Huntingford (1933) argued that the name “was deliberately applied” to *Beadhildæ byrigels because of its proximity to Wayland’s Smithy.^❦42 Mackley 2011, p 31; Huntingford 1933, p 21 However, the plurality of sites with her name may point to her having had significance even independent of her association with Wéland.

🐋 The Franks Casket

The Franks Casket, an early 8th or late 7th century whalebone chest which probably originates from Northumbria, features engraved panels with various mythic and historical scenes, including the first Jewish-Roman War, the rearing of Romulus and Remus, the visit of the three Magi to Jesus’ nativity, an archery scene perhaps featuring Ægil (≈ Egill), and a scene featuring Wéland and two female figures (as well as a smaller male figure hunting a bird). In the latter scene, a beheaded corpse lies under Wéland’s forge. The two women are prominent in the scene, and the figure in the center is generally interpreted to be Beaduhild.^❦43 Whitbread 1956; Osborn 1971; Osborn 1974; Bradley 1990; Bray 1996, p 252; Abels 2009 Wéland is giving her a cup, which suggests a similar narrative to that described in Vǫlundarkviða and alluded to in Déor.^❦44 Robertson 2020, p 162; cf. McGuire & Clark 1987, p 38; Klein 2014, p 32; Karkov 2017, p 9, p 18

Like the possible sites in and around the Berkshire downs, and the treatment of her story in Déor, the prominence of Beaduhild in the panel scene suggests that she was “a figure at the very heart of [Wéland]’s story,”^❦45 Robertson 2020, p 163 and perhaps even that “she was considered to be an important figure in her own right.”^❦46 Robertson 2020, p 180

Robertson (2020) suggests the possibility that, through Beaduhild, the Wéland scene may even have a connection to some other panels of the Franks Casket:

• 🌟 The nativity scene, which shares the front panel with the Wéland scene, features Mary and her child, the son of the Christian God;
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• 🐺 The left panel features the she-wolf and two famous sons of Mārs: Romulus and Remus;
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• 👩‍👩‍👧 The three hooded figures on the mysterious right panel of the casket resemble some Roman-era depictions of the Celto-Germanic Mātrēs/Mothers;
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• ⚒️ the princess in Velents þáttr smiðs (analogous with Bǫðvildr) is the mother of Viðga, the famed son of Velent.

Of course, it is not at all clear in any of the versions of her story apart from Velents þáttr smiðs that Beaduhild is the mother of Viðga/Widia, so this interpretation must remain tentative. However, Robertson argues that, while it “may well have another overall theme, such as kingship or gift-giving,” the Franks Casket’s central presentation of these female figures “should not be overlooked.”^❦34 Robertson 2020, p 164

An additional point of interest (and mystery) in the Franks Casket scene is the identity of the second female figure carrying some kind of container in her hand. It is possible, if we are to connect it to the Velents þáttr smiðs narrative, that she is the maidservent who is first sent to Velent before he requests the princess herself to come to him. She could also be the queen, Bǫðvildr’s mother, who does play a role in challenging Vǫlundr in the eddic poem. Another possibility is the swan-valkyrie Hervǫr Alvitr, Vǫlundr’s first wife in Vǫlundarkviða with whom some scholars parallel (or even equate) Bǫðvildr herself, as discussed above.^❦47 Lehmann 1963, p 13; Taylor 1963, p 230; Burson 1983 p 4, p 7; Motz 1986-1989, p 63; cf. Robertson 2020, p 162

The Beaduhild we find in the material landscape of England and Scandinavia seems most closely parallel with the Beaduhild attested in the poetic sources. She is a central figure to the story of Wéland’s capture, and may even have had significance as an important female figure in her own right.

Beaduhild chiefly appears with reference to Wéland, so it is difficult to see what independent significance she may have had. Any myth of an independent Beaduhild is, at present, entirely lost to us. However, the stray elements in her narratives and depictions — the avian elements in Vǫlundarkviða (and Friedrich von Schwaben), the fateful ring, and the parallel of Bǫðvildr and the valkyrie in Vǫlundarkviða — encourage investigation into other significant female figures that may have some etymological or thematic connection with Beaduhild.

🪦 The Alaisiagae

There are a mysterious group of paired female figures attested in three Roman-British inscriptions found near Hadrian’s Wall who have been connected by some early Germanic philologists to the valkyries and, occasionally, to Beaduhild. They are called the Alaisiagae (a term with very uncertain etymology), and they seem to be Gallo-Germanic deities associated with war.^❦48 Olivares Pedreño 2002, p 16; cf. Bémont 1981, p 80-82

One of the three inscriptions^❦49 RIB 1594· Housesteads includes Deus Mārs et duae Alaisiagae ‘the God Mārs and the two Alaisiagae’ and is attested to Frisian soldiers from modern Twente (in the east of the Netherlands).

Another of these inscriptions, also attested to Germanic soldiers from Twente, names Deus Mārs Thincsus et duae Alaisiagae Beda et Fimmilena ‘the God Mārs Thincsus and the two Alaisiagae, Beda and Fimmilena.’^❦50 RIB 1593· Housesteads Here, we have two names given for the Alaisiagae. The first, Beda, may suggest a connection with Bitburg in Rhineland-Palatine, Germany, which the Romans called Vīcus Beda. It is possible that her name is originally of Gaulish origin, tracing back to a Proto-Celtic *Bedā ‘grave, burial.’^❦51 Matasović 2003, p 59-60; this would be directly cognate with Middle Breton bez ‘grave’; other Celtic cognates seem to derive from a masculine form *bedos (→ Welsh bedd ‘grave’; French bief ‘canal’ via reconstructed Gaulish *bedos) Rudolf Simek (1984) suggests a possible connection to the Old Frisian legal terms bodthing ‘summons’ and fimelthing ‘sentence,’^❦52 Simek 1984, p 7 though these terms date to the 12th century, putting many centuries between them and the Roman-British inscriptions. For Fimmilena, Gudmund Schütte (1932) hazards a potential connection with the region around the historical river Fivel in the Netherlands^❦53 Schütte 1932, p 129 , but Simek (1984) finds this unlikely.^❦54 Simek 1984, p 96 My own hypothesis for Fimmilena is something like a Proto-Germanic *Fimfilinī or *Fimbilinī, composed with the feminine suffix *-inī added to the root *fimfil- ~ *fimbil/fimbul-, the source of Old English fífel which I have here postulated to have originally meant something like ‘hand-worker.’

The final inscription^❦55 RIB 1576· Housesteads names only the Deae Alaisiagae Baudihillia et Friagabis ‘Alaisiagae goddesses Baudihillia and Friagabis,’ this time attested to the unit of a certain Hnaudifridus, whose name appears to be comprised of the Germanic roots *hnaudi- ^❦56 Based on an ablauted form of the verb *hneudaną ‘to hammer, beat,’ (Orel 2003, p 179-180; Kroonen 2013, p 235); cf. Latinized Alamanic Chnodomarius and *friþuz ‘peace.’^❦57 Orel 2003, p 115; Kroonen 2013, p 156 His origin is unknown, though it is likely (given the other inscriptions) that he was also associated with Frisian soldiers. The names here seem clearly to be unrelated to those in the previous inscription, though it is important to note that they also begin with ⟨B⟩ and ⟨F⟩ in respective order, which may suggest that they were somehow analogous. Their names have been a great difficulty for philologists to untangle.

One early suggestion from Robert Bosanquet (1922) was that these names meant ‘ruler of battle’ and ‘giver of freedom’ respectively^❦58 Bosanquet 1922, p 185; Davidson 1993, p 48 , and he posits a connection between Baudihillia and Beaduhild. He rejects a speculation of Jakob Grimm that baud- could develop naturally from Germanic badu- on linguistic grounds, instead suggesting that “it is conceivable that in the inscription through some misunderstanding Baduhildie has become Baudihillie.”^❦59 Bosanquet 1922, p 194

Theodor Siebs (1924) also accepts the possibility of scribal metathesis here, but generally prefers an alternative explanation. While he agrees that the -hillia element is derived from the Germanic *hildiz^❦60 Siebs 1924, p 53; Wagner 2002, p 97; cf. Much 1928, p 78-79 — for the spelling -ll- for -ld-, Norbert Wagner (2002, p 97) compares Atanagillus, Leovigillus, Erminigillus, all presumably containing the Germanic element -gild- , he believes the former element to be a (no longer supported) Germanic *baudi-, cognate with Proto-Celtic *boudi ‘victory’ (cf. Welsh budd, Old Irish búaid)^❦61 Much 1928, p 78-79 ; According to Charles Donahue (1941), Siebs’ reconstruction was “generally accepted” at the time.^❦62 Donahue 1941, p 9 However, Rudolf Simek (1984) finds Siebs’ *Baudihildiz reconstruction unconvincing^❦63 Simek 1984, p 42 ; Simek gives a translation of ‘kind donor’ for Friagabis.^❦64 Simek 1984, p 110

Based on the analysis of Günter Neumann (1998)^❦65 p 365-366 and Kevin French (2014)^❦66 p 77 regarding the element -gabi in Roman-era Celto-Germanic goddesses, I believe that Friagabis reflects a Proto-Germanic form *Frijagabī, comprised of either *frijaz ‘free’ or *frijō ‘loved one, spouse’ and *gabī ‘riches, wealth.’ For Baudihillia, I put forward a possible Proto-Celtic *Boudikiliyā, comprised of *boudi ‘victory’ and *kiliyā ‘companion,’^❦67 Matasović 2003, p 199-200; cf. Delamarre 2001, p 112 with the intervocalic change from *-k- to ⟨h⟩ potentially attested in other Celto-Germanic goddesses.^❦68 Vennemann 1995, p 297; cf. Battaglia 2016, p 120 — the suffix -ahenae ← Proto-Celtic *-akinā

While a direct etymological link between Baudihillia and Beaduhild is no longer supported, there remain some interesting parallels between the Alaisiagae and some depictions of Beaduhild. Max Siebourg (1933) notes that, in contrast to the Celto-Germanic Mothers who typically appear in triads, these Celto-Germanic war-goddesses appear in pairs.^❦69 Siebourg 1933, p 106; cf. Much 1928 On the Franks Casket, Beaduhild appears together with a second woman who could potentially be identified with the valkyrie of Vǫlundarkviða — if so, this pair of Beaduhild ‘battle + battle’ and another unnamed battle-woman may be a thematic echo of the ‘victory companion’ goddess and ‘free/beloved wealth’ goddess of the third Alaisiagae inscription, or of the ‘burial’ goddess and ‘hand-worker’ goddess of the second; Charles Donahue (1941) comments that the Alaisiagae “resemble the valkyries, who occasionally appear in groups of two.”^❦70 Donahue 1941, p 8; cf. Siebs 1924, p 11

It remains possible that the parallel of the Alaisiagae and Beaduhild is merely a coincidence. However, they are not the only early Celto-Germanic war goddesses who may have a connection with Beaduhild.

🦅 Baduhenna, Badb, & the Wælcyrge

As mentioned above, Jakob Grimm’s proposed connection between Celtic *boud[i]- and Germanic *badu- is unsupportable given our current linguistic knowledge. However, the latter element representing Proto-Germanic *badwō ‘battle’ is indeed attested in the name of another early Celto-Germanic war goddess. In his 28 AD work Annālēs^❦71 Annālēs IV, 73 , Tacitus records the name of a goddess, potentially also worshipped by Frisians: Baduhenna. Marco Battaglia (2016) suggests that she had some association with war, comparing her directly with Baudihillia and Beaduhild.^❦72 Battaglia 2016, p 119

In terms of the etymology, Battaglia mentions von Greinberger’s (1894) suggestions of Proto-Germanic *baduwennō ‘violent in battle’ or *baduwenjō ‘field of battle,’^❦73 Battalgia 2016, p 120; von Grienberger 1894, p 532-533 but ultimately posits that the -henna element could be a variant of Vennemann’s (1995) locational particle -(a)hena present in the names of several Mothers such as the Matrōnae Nersihenae, Matrōnae Austriahenae, etc., ultimately from a Proto-Celtic suffix *-akinā.^❦74 Battaglia 2016, p 120; cf. Vennemann 1995, p 297 This could mark her as a truly Celto-Germanic goddess, with the first element of her name being of Germanic origin and the latter being Celtic. However, it is also possible that the first element is not the Germanic *badwō, but its Celtic cognate *bodwā.

The Proto-Celtic form *bodwā, like the Proto-Germanic *badwō, suggest a Proto-Indo-European form *bʰod·uéh₂ ‘battle’, though both Guus Kroonen (2013) and Vladimir Orel (2003) note that this form is only attested in Celtic and Germanic.^❦75 Kroonen 2013, p 47; Orel 2003, p 32 Ranko Matasović (2003) also notes the cognate, remarking on the semantic development it undergoes in later Celtic languages^❦76 Matasović 2003, p 70 : Middle Irish badb ~ bodb comes to mean both ‘war-goddess’ and ‘crow,’ while Old Breton has bodou ‘heron.’^❦77 Kroonen 2013, p 47 According to Matasović, “‘crow’ in Celtic must be secondary (the crow is the bird symbolizing the carnage in battle).”^❦78 Matasović 2003, p 70

Indeed, the Irish sources include a war-goddess by the name of Badb Catha “crow of battle” who would influence battles and foretell he death of warriors.^† cf. Vǫlundarkviða 1: the swan-valkyries flew ørlǫg drýgja ‘to carry out their fate’ She occasionally appears in the Morrígna triad with two sisters, but she is also attested as one of two wives of the war god Néit ‘battle’ (the other being the battle-goddess Nemain^❦79 James MacKillop (1998, p 335-336) suggests that Nemain may have been an aspect of Badb herself )^❦80 Donahue 1941, p 10-11; cf. Winsich 1887, p 338 — the pairing of a war god with these two battle-goddesses is reminiscent of the pairing of Mārs Thincsus with the two Alaisiagae, though this could very well be coincidental.

Remarkably, there is also a Roman-era inscription of a potentially cognate Gaulish goddess in southeastern France named [C]athubodua.^❦81 CIL XII 2571· Mieussy; cf. Pictet 1868; Hennessey 1870 If indeed cognate with Badb Catha, her name suggests an original Proto-Celtic *Katubodwā, which at that time would have been comprised of two word for ‘battle’ (i.e. the exact meaning of Germanic Beaduhild).

Rudolf Much (1898) thematically connects Badb and Cathubodua with Baduhenna and Beaduhild^❦82 Much 1898; Donahue 1941, p 3 , and others have connected them also with the Alaisiagae and Germanic valkyries. According to Charles Donahue (1941), “Siebs is convinced they were valkyries,”^❦83 Donahue 1941, p 8; Siebs 1924; cf. Bosanquet 1922, p 185; Davidson 1993, p 48 and Donahue himself, following Carl Lottner (1870), supports a hypothesis of early shared influence between Celtic and Germanic tribes on the Continent, noting that both the valkyries and the Irish war-goddesses are often paired with single “heroes” (cf. Wéland) and that they often appear in the form of birds.^❦84 Donahue 1941, p 1-2; Lottner 1870 Matthias Egeler (2008) also compares the avian Irish war-goddesses and the Germanic valkyries to Silius Italicus’^❦85 Pūnica III and Aelian’s^❦86 Dē nātūrā animālium X accounts of the feeding on fallen warriors by vultures as a necessary ritual among the Celtic peoples of Iberia^❦87 Egeler 2008, p 11 , further strengthening the connection between birds and battle-goddesses in Celtic and Germanic cultures.

The Old English Exodus account includes a raven who is called a wælcéasiga ‘slain-chooser,’ closely related to wælcyrge ‘female demon, witch’ and its Norse cognate valkyrja ‘valkyrie.’^❦88 Donahue 1941, p 3; Neckel 1913, p 78-79; cf. Jente 1921, p 209 The term wælcyrge itself is also used in Old English to gloss classical war-goddesses such as Bellōna and the Erinýes/Furies, who are occasionally depicted with wings.^❦89 Purser 2013, p 19 The Old English evidence suggests a survival of some of the features connecting the avian Celto-Germanic goddesses in their understanding of the ‘slain-choosers.’

The early Celto-Germanic battle-goddesses, along with their later Celtic cognates, share some common elements with Germanic depictions of valkyries, and potentially also with Beaduhild. They often have avian associations, they occasionally appear in pairs beside a war-god, and a few of them even feature a cognate of OE beadu- in their names. Having investigated these more remote connections, we will now return to the narratives concerning Beaduhild to see how these ancient Celto-Germanic elements may be echoed therein.

🦢 Convergent traditions

It has long been recognized that the tales of Wéland and Beaduhild that come down to us have a plurality of sources.

Lotte Motz (1986-1989) identifies multiple mythic threads woven into the narrative of Vǫlundarkviða. Behind all of them, she identifies the ancient legend of the swan woman, which is “spread widely in northern lands,”^❦90 Motz 1986-1989, p 52 including among the Buryaad, O'ravètḷʹèt, Ainu, Inuit, and Yupik peoples. “In all stories the bird woman functions as a mother and in some as an ancestress… The tale thus serves in some places as a myth of origin,” though “the marriage of man and bird woman always has an issue.”^❦91 Motz 1986-1989, p 54 Anne Burson (1983) also believed that this swan woman legend played a part in the Vǫlundarkviða story.^❦92 Burson 1983, p 11 Motz argues this swan myth was brought into contact with the legend of the injured wondersmith who seeks revenge, exemplified by stories of the smiths Wieland and Mime attested in northwestern Germany.^❦93 Motz 1986-1989, p 64-65 Ultimately, Motz believes that Vǫlundarkviða demonstrates the collision of a hunting^❦94 cf. the ski-hunting of Vǫlundr and his brothers mentioned in Vǫlundarkviða society, where water birds were culturally and economically significant, and an agrarian warrior society, where “hero”-smiths and political figures had greater significance.^❦95 Motz 1986-1989, p 50

The avian element is clearly important in this tale. Even the late Friedrich von Schwaben has the dove-cursed bride, and Þiðreks saga has the hunting of birds for Velent’s constructed wings. Among the textual sources, the bird element is most prominent in Vǫlundarkviða, not only because of the swan-valkyries, but also the avian nature of Vǫlundr himself, who has fitjar ‘webbed feet’ and a hvítr hals ‘white neck.’^❦96 Vǫlundarkviða 29; 2; cf. Motz 1986-1989, p 57 Aside from the texts, every visual depiction of the story features a prominent avian element. However, I believe that the swan myth is not necessarily the only source for these elements in the stories concerning Beaduhild.

As we have seen, there is a strong connection between battle-goddesses and birds in early Celto-Germanic cultures, as exemplified by goddesses such as Badb and the valkyries, and echoed in the Old English wælcéasiga raven of Exodus. These figures also seem to have had some connection to fate or prophesy. It is possible that, by bringing valkyries into the narrative, the poet of Vǫlundarkviða was (perhaps unknowingly) joining the tradition of avian battle-goddesses with the north-Eurasian mythic swan women; it is notable that Vǫlundarkviða is the only source which specifies swans as the chief bird in the story, as they are elsewhere ambiguous. The birds which appear in all other depictions may be influenced by elements of the Celto-Germanic battle-goddesses by way of Beaduhild’s inclusion.

By the time of recording, the written material has only vague echoes of the battle-goddesses. The avian valkyries of Vǫlundarkviða and the name of Bǫðvildr sharing a cognate element with some of these ancient battle-goddesses are the most obvious parallels. The magic knife used by the princess in Velents þáttr smiðs may also be a distant echo of her origins as a war-associated figure.

The ring that is stolen and given to Bǫðvildr in Vǫlundarkviða may have something to do with the binding of Velent/Vǫlundr in his fate.^❦97 Motz 1986-1989, p 67 n 15; cf. idisi who bind fetters in the Merseburg Charm and the valkyrie Herfjǫtur ‘army-fetter’ in Grímnismál (Donahue 1941, p 4) In my article on Tíw, I presented evidence that Mārs Thincsus, with whom the Alaisiagae are connected in the inscriptions, may be an early iteration of Tíw in his capacity as a god associated with oaths and legal proceedings. Both fate and (conjugal) oaths are at play in the Wéland narrative.

Traditionally, Celto-Germanic battle-goddesses (especially in avian form) are harbingers of death or, more neutrally, foretellers of warriors’ fates. The departure of Vǫlundr’s valkyrie wife and subsequent capture by Níðuðr and another valkyrie-like character (Bǫðvildr) may be set up to serve as an example of this motif. Additionally, the ring in Vǫlundarkviða can be understood to mark its wearer as Vǫlundr’s wife^❦18 Robertson 2020, p 153 , symbolizing an oath originally intended for the swan-valkyrie. However, this oath-symbol is transferred to Bǫðvildr, his captor’s daughter in this story, and she breaks it. Vǫlundr ultimately mends it, asserts his power through violence, and escapes his captivity, becoming an avian figure himself in the process. Thus, the old battle-goddess myth is thwarted by the cunning smith.^❦98 Indeed, it is for Wéland’s craftiness that king Ælfrǽd extols him as “wise” in his Boethius translation, suggesting that this is how elite audiences would have viewed his triumph in the story (Yorke 2017, p 7)

If Beaduhild and the valkyries of Vǫlundarkviða are indeed echoes of the goddesses attested in Roman-era Gallo-Germanic inscriptions, it is difficult to ignore the stark contrast between the apparent power and prominence of the battle-deities on the one hand, and the suffering and violence endured by Beaduhild on the other. While her earliest depictions emphasize her importance, only Déor hints at an eventual triumph for the character (and only vaguely at that). It may be worth considering the possible misogyny in the development of the Beaduhild narrative. Germanic myth is no stranger to powerful female deities, including war-goddesses, but it is clear that the importance of Roman-era goddess-cults such as the Mātres and the Alaisiagae had greatly diminished (or disappeared) by the time the poetic material was composed.

It may be that there was an early Germanic *Badwahildiz whose importance as a female war-figure was once on level with the Celtic goddesses *Katubodwā^❦99 → Gaulish Cathubodua, Irish Badb Catha , *Bodwakinā^❦100 → Gallo-Germanic Baduhenna , and *Boudikiliyā^❦101 → Gallo-Germanic Baudihillia , but her attested stories as Beaduhild have her instead play the role of daughter to a “hateful character” Níðhád that serves as the villain in another male figure’s story. Thus, in elevating the role of Wéland the wondersmith, medieval Germanic poets may have sacrificed a (now lost) independent significance of Beaduhild. Early on, this came in the form of depicting her as a character who suffers violence at Wéland’s hands; in later epic materials, wherein her prominence was further lessened, the story resolves less violently, recasting her as the mother of a famous male hero.

Regardless, it is apparent that, even in this “reduced” role, she remained important enough to appear in the visual depictions of the story in Scandinavia and the British Isles, and may have even had place-names dedicated to her in England. Whatever her origin, Beaduhild was clearly a significant figure in early Germanic culture and merits further attention.

📝 A quick summary

Below is a quick summary of some of the key points presented in the earlier sections of this page:

• • Beaduhild (or Bǫðvildr) appears in some form in all versions of the tale of Wéland the smith’s capture and revenge. Her name is derived from two words for ‘battle, war’: *badwō and *hildiz.
•  
• • In Middle High German epics, she bears a different name, but at least one late parallel tells a story of her transforming into a dove. In the Old Norse epic Þiðreks saga af Bern (where she goes unnamed), she becomes the wife of the famous smith and bears his famous son Viðga.
•  
• • In the Old Norse eddic poem Vǫlundarkviða and the Old English elegiac poem Déor, she experiences sexual violence as part of Wéland’s revenge against Níðhád. Her perspective is given more attention than in the epic material.
•  
• • All visual depictions of the Wéland story appear to include her prominently along with an avian element, and she may even have place-names dedicated to her in the Berkshire downs.
•  
• • Early philologists connected the Alaisiagae, a pair of Celto-Germanic war-goddesses found in three Roman-British inscriptions, with Beaduhild. A direct etymological link is no longer supported, but there remain some possible semantic and thematic parallels between them and the depictions of Beaduhild.
•  
• • Other Celto-Germanic war-goddesses, such as Baduhenna and Cathubodua (and her possible Irish cognate Badb Catha), are etymologically linked with the Germanic *badwō and have strong associations with fate and birds. Several scholars have compared them with the Germanic valkyries and Beaduhild, suggesting influence between early Celtic and Germanic tribes.
•  
• • Many north-Eurasian and Arctic cultures have a myth of a swan-woman bride, which some scholars have proposed to be a major influence behind the tale in Vǫlundarkviða. I believe it is possible that the avian element in her recorded narratives and visual depictions may also be due to the early Celto-Germanic associations between battle-goddesses and birds, and that the inclusion of Beaduhild and valkyries in Wéland’s story is what brought this element into the story.
•  
• • Given her ubiquity in the visual depictions and her potential connection the land and with Celto-Germanic battle-goddesses, it is possible that Beaduhild once had an independent significance as a battle-goddess or valkyrie-like figure in early Germanic myth, but this tradition was lost and only survives in the form of stray hints in her part of the Wéland story.

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🍂 Notes & Acknowledgements

Many thanks to Emilia Boone for her sensitivity reading and excellent overall feedback on this article.

• ^❦1 Robertson 2020, p 145-146
• ^❦2 cf. Orel 2003, p 32; Kroonen 2013, p 47
• ^❦3 cf. Orel 2003, p 168
• ^❦4 Motz 1986-1989, p 56
• ^❦5 cf. níðingr ‘villain, scoundrel’ ← níð ‘insolence, defamation, libel’
• ^❦6 cf. Robertson 2020, p 156
• ^❦7 ch. 74 “Velent bætti hringinn konungsdóttur”
• ^❦8 Meyer 2021, p 57: “At this point, one can observe the saga’s tendency to dissolve conflicts into complacence, which might have rather agreed with its 13th century audience.”
• ^❦9 alvitr ‘outsider, alien’ is used also of a valkyrie in Helgakviða Hundingsbana II; cf. Pettit 2023, p 362 n 17
• ^❦10 ← *Nīþahaiduz ‘hateful character’
• ^❦11 It is unclear who the Njárar were, though it is clear from the prose surrounding the verses that they were a group living in Sweden
• ^❦12 Robertson 2020, p 148-149; cf. Saunders 2001, p 47; JK Friðriksdóttir 2013, p 79
• ^❦13 Robertson 2020, p 150; cf. Jochens 1993, p 271-290; Saunders 2001, p 33
• ^❦14 Robertson 2020, p 151
• ^❦15 " p 155
• ^❦16 " p 160-161
• ^❦17 " p 170
• ^❦18 " p 153
• ^❦19 Burson 1983, p 4, p 7; cf. Lehmann 1963, p 13; Taylor 1963, p 230
• ^❦20 Motz 1986-1989, p 63
• ^❦21 " p 53
• ^❦22 Robertson 2020, p 166
• ^❦23 Frederick Tupper, Jr. (1913) argues that the third strophe (about Mæðhild and Geat) strophe is actually still about Beadohild and Níðhád, but this interpretation is not generally supported
• ^❦24 Mandel 1982, p 129
• ^❦25 Robertson 2020, p 159; cf. Kópar 2012, p 6
• ^❦26 Robertson 2020, p 159; cf. Mandel 1977, p 3; Hill 1990, p 241; Saunders 2001, p 46; Another potential link with Vǫlundarkviða is the direct cognate names in the poems — OE Níðhád :: ON Níðuðr ‘hateful character’ — contrasted with the (related, but not directly cognate) Níðungr ‘villain, scoundrel’ in the saga
• ^❦27 Robertson 2020, p 145; cf. Saunders 2001, p 46; Bueno Alonso 2003, p 164
• ^❦28 Bueno Alonso 2003, p 164; cf. Mandel 1977, p 3
• ^❦29 Robertson 2020, p 160; cf. McKinnel 2002, p 202 – McKinnel suggests that her hope may be found in the birth of Widia (≈ Viðga), as in Velents þáttr smiðs
• ^❦30 McKinnel 2002, p 202
• ^❦31 For more on the Leeds cross shaft, see Halstead 2016
• ^❦32 Robertson 2020, p 165
• ^❦33 Sørensen 2002, p 123; for more on the stone, see Buisson 1976
• ^❦34 Robertson 2020, p 164
• ^❦35 cf. Birch 1885
• ^❦36 Grinsell 1939; Motz 1986-1989, p 66 n 6; Grinsell 1991, p 235-236; Mackley 2011, p 31
• ^❦37 Grundy 1919, p 177; cf. Motz 1986-1989, p 66 n 6
• ^❦38 Motz 1986-1989, p 66 n 6; cf. Grinsell 1939
• ^❦39 Mackley 2011, p 31; cf. Birch 1885
• ^❦40 Gelling 1974, p 374
• ^❦41 If the emendation is incorrect and the name really ought to be read as Beahhild, it is still conspicuous that these places bear the name ‘ring-battle’ given the centrality of the ring in the written sources
• ^❦42 Mackley 2011, p 31; Huntingford 1933, p 21
• ^❦43 Whitbread 1956; Osborn 1971; Osborn 1974; Bradley 1990; Bray 1996, p 252; Abels 2009
• ^❦44 Robertson 2020, p 162; cf. McGuire & Clark 1987, p 38; Klein 2014, p 32; Karkov 2017, p 9, p 18
• ^❦45 Robertson 2020, p 163
• ^❦46 " p 180
• ^❦47 Lehmann 1963, p 13; Taylor 1963, p 230; Burson 1983 p 4, p 7; Motz 1986-1989, p 63; cf. Robertson 2020, p 162
• ^❦48 Olivares Pedreño 2002, p 16; cf. Bémont 1981, p 80-82
• ^❦49 RIB 1594· Housesteads
• ^❦50 RIB 1593· Housesteads
• ^❦51 Matasović 2003, p 59-60; this would be directly cognate with Middle Breton bez ‘grave’; other Celtic cognates seem to derive from a masculine form *bedos (→ Welsh bedd ‘grave’; French bief ‘canal’ via reconstructed Gaulish *bedos)
• ^❦52 Simek 1984, p 7
• ^❦53 Schütte 1932, p 129
• ^❦54 Simek 1984, p 96
• ^❦55 RIB 1576· Housesteads
• ^❦56 Based on an ablauted form of the verb *hneudaną ‘to hammer, beat,’ (Orel 2003, p 179-180; Kroonen 2013, p 235); cf. Latinized Alamanic Chnodomarius
• ^❦57 Orel 2003, p 115; Kroonen 2013, p 156
• ^❦58 Bosanquet 1922, p 185; Davidson 1993, p 48
• ^❦59 Bosanquet 1922, p 194
• ^❦60 Siebs 1924, p 53; Wagner 2002, p 97; cf. Much 1928, p 78-79 — for the spelling -ll- for -ld-, Norbert Wagner (2002, p 97) compares Atanagillus, Leovigillus, Erminigillus, all presumably containing the Germanic element -gild-
• ^❦61 Much 1928, p 78-79
• ^❦62 Donahue 1941, p 9
• ^❦63 Simek 1984, p 42
• ^❦64 " p 110
• ^❦65 Neumann 1998, p 365-366
• ^❦66 French 2014, p 77
• ^❦67 Matasović 2003, p 199-200; cf. Delamarre 2001, p 112
• ^❦68 Vennemann 1995, p 297; cf. Battaglia 2016, p 120 — -ahenae ← Proto-Celtic *-akinā
• ^❦69 Siebourg 1933, p 106; cf. Much 1928
• ^❦70 Donahue 1941, p 8; cf. Siebs 1924, p 11
• ^❦71 Tacitus 28· Annālēs IV, 73
• ^❦72 Battaglia 2016, p 119
• ^❦73 Battalgia 2016, p 120; von Grienberger 1894, p 532-533
• ^❦74 Battaglia 2016, p 120; cf. Vennemann 1995, p 297
• ^❦75 Kroonen 2013, p 47; Orel 2003, p 32
• ^❦76 Matasović 2003, p 70
• ^❦77 Kroonen 2013, p 47
• ^❦78 Matasović 2003, p 70
• ^❦79 James MacKillop (1998, p 335-336) suggests that Nemain may have been an aspect of Badb herself
• ^❦80 Donahue 1941, p 10-11; cf. Winsich 1887, p 338
• ^❦81 CIL XII 2571· Mieussy; cf. Pictet 1868; Hennessey 1870
• ^❦82 Much 1898; Donahue 1941, p 3
• ^❦83 Donahue 1941, p 8; Siebs 1924; cf. Bosanquet 1922, p 185; Davidson 1993, p 48
• ^❦84 Donahue 1941, p 1-2; Lottner 1870
• ^❦85 Silius Italicus· Pūnica III
• ^❦86 Aelian· Dē nātūrā animālium X
• ^❦87 Egeler 2008, p 11
• ^❦88 Donahue 1941, p 3; Neckel 1913, p 78-79; cf. Jente 1921, p 209
• ^❦89 Purser 2013, p 19
• ^❦90 Motz 1986-1989, p 52
• ^❦91 " p 54
• ^❦92 Burson 1983, p 11
• ^❦93 Motz 1986-1989, p 64-65
• ^❦94 cf. the ski-hunting of Vǫlundr and his brothers mentioned in Vǫlundarkviða
• ^❦95 Motz 1986-1989, p 50
• ^❦96 Vǫlundarkviða 29; 2; cf. Motz 1986-1989, p 57
• ^❦97 Motz 1986-1989, p 67 n 15; cf. idisi who bind fetters in the Merseburg Charm and the valkyrie Herfjǫtur ‘army-fetter’ in Grímnismál (Donahue 1941, p 4)
• ^❦98 Indeed, it is for Wéland’s craftiness that king Ælfrǽd extols him as “wise” in his Boethius translation, suggesting that this is how elite audiences would have viewed his triumph in the story (Yorke 2017, p 7)
• ^❦99 → Gaulish Cathubodua, Irish Badb Catha
• ^❦100 → Gallo-Germanic Baduhenna
• ^❦101 → Gallo-Germanic Baudihillia
• ^† cf. Vǫlundarkviða 1: the swan-valkyries flew ørlǫg drýgja ‘to carry out their fate’
• ^‡ not to be confused with the either of the character’s named ‘Hervǫr’ in Hervarar saga ok Heiðreks

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